Tag Archives: patriarchy

बलात्कारियों को राजकीय संरक्षण देना बंद करो!!!! (WSS Press Release)

बलात्कारियों को राजकीय संरक्षण देना बंद करो!!!!

हम हाल ही में देश में लगातार हो रही बालात्कार और यौन हिंसा की घट्नाओं की कड़ी निंदा करते हैं: जम्मू के कठुआ जिले की आठ साल की बच्ची, उ.प्र. के उन्नाव जिले की १५ साल की लड़की, सूरत, गुजरात में  ११ साल की लड़की, १५ साल की फरीदाबाद की लड़की, जिसकी लाश को भी नहीं बक्शा गया, पानीपत की ११ साल की लड़की, इन सभी घट्नाओं के खिलाफ हो रहे देशव्यापी आक्रोश के बावजूद हाल ही में हुई इंदौर की घटना, जिसमें एक चार महीने की बच्ची के साथ बलात्कार किया गया। हम आपराधिक कानून (संशोधन) अध्यादेश, 2018 के द्वारा यौन अपराध अधिनियम (2012) में लाये गए बदलाव की भी निंदा करते हैं जिसके जरिये सजाये मौत का प्रावधान किया गया है।

२१-२२ अप्रैल को इंदौर में यौन हिंसा और राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ महिलाएं (डब्लू.एस.एस) की दो दिवसीय,आठवी राष्ट्रीय बैठक हुई, जिसमें तेलंगाना, कर्नाटका, दिल्ली, छत्तीसगढ़, उत्तराखंड, हिमाचल प्रदेश, महाराष्ट्र, ओडिशा, राजस्थान और मध्य प्रदेश के सदस्यों ने भाग लिया। इस बैठक में डब्लू.एस.एस ने यह निष्कर्ष निकाला:

बलात्कार की बढती घटनाओं के खिलाफ देश व्यापी जन आक्रोश के बीच अपराधियों को मृत्युदंड देने की मांग उठी है, डब्लू.एस.एस मृत्युदंड के खिलाफ है।

गणतंत्र दिवस के एक दिन पहले 25 जनवरी को मध्य प्रदेश के आठ थानों की पुलिस ने धार जिले के भील समुदाय, पहले से ही अपराधी माने जाने वाले, के गाँव पर कथित रूप से उन लोगों के घर पर, जिनके खिलाफ पहले से ही वारंट है, बड़ी संख्या में छापा मारा। इन छापों के दौरान, चार महिलाओं का बलात्कार हुआ, जिनमें से एक गर्भवती थी और दो नाबालिग लड़कियों के साथ छेड़ छाड़ हुई। इन महिलाओं की आपबीती उतनी ही दहलाने वाली थी, जितनी की पड़ोसी राज्य छत्तीसगढ़ के बस्तर में आदिवासी महिलाओं के अनुभव थे।  इस खनिज प्रधान दक्षिण छत्तीसगढ़ के इलाके में कॉर्पोरेट घरानों के लिए रास्ता साफ़ करने के लिए पुलिस एवं सशस्त्र बलों के
छापे मारी अभियान में पिछले तीन वर्षों में पचास से अधिक महिलाओं के साथ यौन हिंसा व् बलात्कार की घटनाएं सामने आई है।

उपरोक्त घट्नाओं की रौशनी में यह स्पष्ट होता है की यौन हिंसा में राज्य सत्ता के नुमाइंदे, दबंग जाति एवं धार्मिक समूह द्वारा यौन हिंसा को अंजाम दिया जाना देखा है। जिससे साफ़ जाहिर होता है कि आपराधिक कानून संशोधन अध्याधेश (२०१८) महज एक छलावा है।  राष्ट्रीय अपराध रिकॉर्ड ब्यूरो २०१६ के आंकड़ों के अनुसार धारा 376 एवं बाल यौन अपराध संरक्षण कानून, २०१२ (pocso) के केसों में 94.6% बलात्कारी पीडिता की जान पहचान का होना पाया गया था- वो या तो करीबी रिश्तेदार, पडोसी, या परिचित था। ऐसी स्थिति में, पीडिता के लिए शिकायत दर्ज कराना बेहद मुश्किल हो जाता है, खासकर जब वह नाबालिग हो। नेशनल लॉ स्कूल ऑफ इंडिया यूनिवर्सिटी, बैंगलोर द्वारा जारी एक रिपोर्ट में, यह पाया गया कि वर्ष 2013 और 2015 के बीच पोक्सो के तहत दर्ज 667 केसों में , 67.5% पीडिता ने अपने बयान पलट दिए। पीडिता की चुप्पी या उस पर चुप रहने का दबाव, परिवार और समाज में पितृसत्तात्मक ढाँचे की गहरी पैठ का परिणाम है।

इसके पर्याप्त सबूत हैं कि सजाये मौत अपराधी पर लगाम लगाने में असफल रही है। उल्टे इसका असर, काफी हद तक, वास्तव में लोगों को अपराध की रिपोर्ट करने से रोकता है। इसके अलावा, विभिन्न अध्ययनों से निष्कर्ष निकले हैं कि मृत्युदंड मनमाने तरीके से दिया जाता है और लगभग सभी मामलों में, यह देखा गया है कि इसे केवल समाज के सबसे हाशिए के और उत्पीड़ित वर्गों के खिलाफ इस्तेमाल किया जाता है। यही नहीं, महिला आन्दोलन और वकीलों ने इस बात के समर्थन में तर्क दिए हैं कि सजा गंभीर होने के फलस्वरूप अपराध भी गंभीर रूप धारण कर लेता है और बलात्कार के बाद पीडिता को मार डालने की संभावना बढ जाती है।

निर्भया मामले के फलस्वरूप, 2013 में स्थापित न्यायमूर्ति वर्मा समिति ने मृत्युदंड के खिलाफ मजबूत सिफारिशें की, जिसमें उन्होनें मृत्युदंड को “सजा और सुधार के क्षेत्र में एक प्रतिकूल कदम” कहा। इसके चलते, केंद्र द्वारा आपराधिक कानून (संशोधन) अधिनियम 2013 में मृत्युदंड को नहीं जोड़ा गया। यहां तक कि पोक्सो के संबंध में, समस्या वास्तव में  सज़ा न मिलने की है न की सज़ा के कड़े नहीं होने की। व्यापक विचार विमर्श के बगैर, इस अध्यादेश को देश पर थोप दिया गया है। यह अध्यादेश जारी करके, भाजपा सरकार ने जान बूझ कर अपने दल के अपराधी तत्वों और उनके समर्थकों से ध्यान हटाने की कोशिश की है। मृत्युदंड के आम जनसमर्थन, जिसे मीडिया बड़ाचढा कर दिखा रहा है, उसका तुष्टिकरण करके सरकार ने वाहवाही लूट ली। औरतों के प्रति निहायत ही खोखली सहानुभूति दिखाने वाली सरकार ने मृत्युदंड को उनके बचाव के लिए लागू करके अपनी मर्दानगी का उदाहरण प्रस्तुत किया है। वही, ट्रांसजेंडर व्यक्ति (अधिकारों का संरक्षण) विधेयक 2016, के अंतर्गत बलात्कार की सज़ा सिर्फ २ साल तक सीमित की गयी है, जबकी महिलाओं से बलात्कार की घट्नाओं में सात वर्ष की सज़ा का प्रावधान है। क्या किन्नर देश के नागरिक नहीं?

यह विडम्बंना है कि जहाँ मध्य प्रदेश राज्य सरकार ने बलात्कार को बेलगाम बढने का अवसर दिया है और देश में बलात्कार की घट्नाओं में सर्वोच्च स्थान पर है, आज वाह वाही लूटने के लिए बच्चों के बलात्कारियों के लिए मृत्यु दंड की मांग करने में सबसे आगे है।

देश में व्यापक तौर पर हाशिए पर फेके गए कमजोर समुदायों के खिलाफ जो डर व् आतंक का माहौल  आज भाजपा के शासन में फैलाया जा रहा है वह संघ परिवार की विचारधारा का हिस्सा है, और उपरोक्त  घट्नाओं को इससे अलग करके नहीं देखा जा सकता। अनिवार्य रूप से, ऐसे माहौल में महिलाओं का शरीर युद्ध का मैदान बन जाता है जिस पर यह हिंसा खेली जाती है। चाहे धर्म के नाम पर कठुआ में बकरवाल- मुसलिम जनजाति को खदेड़ने के लिए हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादियों द्वारा बलात्कार को राजनैतिक हथियार के तौर पर इस्तेमाल किया जा रहा हो, या फिर उन्नाव की तरह जहाँ आरोपी भाजपा का विधायक हो जिसे सत्ताधारी पार्टी का संरक्षण मिल रहा हो , इन सभी अपराधों में यह प्रतीत होता है कि सत्ताधारी दल की अपराधिक तत्वों से गहरी सांठ गाँठ है।

डब्लू.एस.एस. मांग करता है कि आपराधिक कानून (संशोधन) अध्यादेश 2018 को रद्द किया जाये। हम समाज के प्रगतिशील व्यक्तियों और समूहों का आह्वान करते हैं कि वे पीड़ितों के समर्थन में खड़े हों, ताकि कम से कम कानूनी प्रक्रियाओं का पालन हो और मौजूदा कानून प्रभावी बनाया जा सके।

इंदौर

23.04.2018

अजिता, शालिनी, रिनचिन, निशा

        राष्ट्रीय समंवयक, राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ महिलाएं (डब्लू.एस.एस)

“यौन हिंसा व राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ महिलाएं” (WSS) नवम्बर 2009 में गठित एक गैर-अनुदान प्राप्त जमीनी प्रयास है. इस अभियान का मकसद है- हमारे शारीर व हमारे समाज पर हो रही हिंसा को ख़त्म करना. हमारा नेटवर्क पुरे देश में फैला हुआ है और इसमें शामिल हम औरतें अनेक राजनीतिक परिपाटियों, जन संगठनों, छात्र व युवा संगठनों, नागरिक अधिकार संगठनों एवं व्यक्तिगत स्तर पर हिंसा व दमन के खिलाफ सक्रीय हैं. हम औरतों व लड़कियों के विरुद्ध किसी भी अपराधी/अपराधियों द्वारा की जा रही यौन हिंसा व राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ हैं.

संपर्क                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  www.wssnet.org                                                                                                                                                       againstsexualviolence@gmail.com

 

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End Political Impunity to Rapists (WSS Press Release)

We strongly condemn the recent incidents of rape and sexual violence in the country: the rape of an 8-year old girl in Kathua, Jammu, of a 15-year old in Unnao, UP, of a tea-shop owner as well as 15 year old girl in Meghalaya, of an 11-year old girl in Surat, Gujarat, a 15-year old in Faridabad whose corpse was continually raped, another 11-year old girl in Panipat and closer home and even more recently, the rape of a four-month old child of balloon-sellers in Indore, MP while there is an outrage against rape in the country. We also unequivocally condemn the Criminal Law (Amendment) Ordinance, 2018 which seeks to amend among other things the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (2012) by sanctioning the death penalty in cases of rape of minor girls.

A two day national meeting of Women Against Sexual Violence and Sexual Repression (WSS)  was held in Indore on 21-22 of April, and attended by members from Telangana, Karnataka, Delhi, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, Women against Sexual Violence and State repression (WSS) concluded:

There has been an uproar about some of these incidents, and a wave of protests have swept across the country. Amidst this much-needed outrage against rape, there have also been calls for capital punishment for the perpetrators of these crimes. We, as WSS, do not in any way support the death penalty as a form of punishment.

On the 25th of January 2017, a day before Republic Day, police from eight thanas carried out a massive raid in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh with the intention to nab people with pending warrants against them – all of whom were members of the Bhil community, a tribe historically stigmatized as criminals. During this raid, four women were raped including one pregnant woman, and two minor girls were molested. The accounts of these women were chillingly similar to the testimonies of tribal women from Bastar, in the neighbouring state of Chhattisgarh. In the last three years over 50 women have been raped and sexually assaulted by members of the police and security forces in the mineral rich lands of south Chhattisgarh, as they “comb” the forests to make way for large corporations to begin mining.

In the light of the above incidents where the State machinery, dominant caste and religious groups is committing acts of sexual violence, it is clear that the Criminal Law (Amendment) Ordinance 2018 is a complete sham. It not only sanctions the death penalty for the rape of minor girls but also changes a gender-neutral act i.e. which applied to both boys and girls, to one that talks of only “women under the age of 12”. Moreover, according to the National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB) data of 2016, in 94.6% of the cases under POCSO and Section 376, the perpetrator(s) turned out to be a known person – he was either a close family member, a neighbour, or an acquaintance. In such a situation, it is extremely difficult for the survivor to report the crime, particularly when the survivor is a minor. In a report released by National Law School of India University, Bangalore, it was found that of the 667 POCSO judgements between 2013 and 2015, 67.5% of the victims turned hostile. The fact that victims are either silenced or forced to remain silent is a result of the deeply entrenched patriarchal structures within the family and society.

There is sufficient evidence to show that capital punishment has never served to act as a deterrent to the committing of crimes. Quite contrarily, it in fact deters people from reporting the crime. Also, not only does research indicate that the awarding of the death penalty is largely arbitrary and in almost all cases so far, it has only been awarded to accused from the most marginalised and oppressed sections of society. In the particular case of rape, as several people from the women’s movement and lawyers have argued, the death penalty in fact further endangers the life of the survivor as the severity of the punishment then becomes an incentive to end the survivors life.

The Justice Verma Committee set up in 2013 in response to the Nirbhaya case made strong recommendations against the death penalty, calling it “a regressive step in the field of sentencing and reformation.” Despite that, the Centre chose to exclude this recommendation in the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 2013. Even with regards to POCSO, the problem really is one of lack of conviction and not one of the severity of punishment meted out. Instead of working on effective implementation of the existing act, the BJP has hurriedly pushed forward the ordinance without consulting with people working on child rights and cases of child sexual abuse. By talking about death, the government has conveniently shifted attention from the legislators who have supported and perpetrated these crimes. Instead, by pandering to popular sentiment orchestrated by the media, they seek to gain political mileage from such heinous acts of violence. Masqueraded as concern about growing sexual violence against children, what the amendment actually does is perpetuate the hyper-masculine regime of the BJP – where justice in cases of sexual violence becomes an act of revenge in a sense, with the “honour” of India’s children and women being avenged by the tough manhood of the nation. At the same time, the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill 2016 proposes a punishment of only 2 years in cases of rape against transgender persons, as opposed to the 7-year imprisonment in the case of rape against women. By bringing in such amendments in quick succession the state is seeking to undermine the citizenship rights of sexual minorities, once again cashing in on popular prejudices.

It is also ironic that Madhya Pradesh, the state which leads the country in the number of rapes, was the one to initiate the demand for the death penalty for child-rapists.

We do not see these as isolated incidents of violence, but as part of a larger reign of terror unleashed upon the most marginalised and vulnerable sections of our society. Inevitably then, it is the bodies of women that become the battlefields on which this violence is played out. Whether in the name of religion in the case of Kathua, where rape is used as a political weapon by Hindu nationalists to displace and dislodge Bakarwal, a marginalised Muslim tribal community, or in the case of Unnao, where the accused, who is a BJP MLA is protected with the impunity for belonging to the ruling party, in each of these incidents, we believe that the State is deeply complicit in these acts of extreme violence.

WSS demands the withdrawal of the sanction of the death penalty by the Criminal Law (Amendment) Ordinance 2018 and calls upon progressive individuals and groups in civil society to stand in support of victims and survivors ensuring that at the very least legal processes are followed and existing laws are implemented.

Indore

23.4.2018                                           

 Ajitha, Shalini, Rinchin, Nisha

               National Conveners, Women Against Sexual Violence and Sexual Repression (WSS), wssnet.org

WSS Statement in Support of the Women Survivors in the Dera Sacha Sauda Case

WSS Statement in Support of the Women Survivors

in the Dera Sacha Sauda Case

We, the members of Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS), salute the courage of the two women complainants who stood up to sexual oppression and relentlessly continued their struggle for fifteen long years. That they stood up against the might of someone with millions of followers, money and political clout, and in the face of innumerable threats over the years, is nothing short of heroic. We hail the brave journalist Ramchandra Chhatrapati, who paid with his life for first publishing the anonymous letter written by one of the woman in his newspaper “Poora Sach”. We also applaud the activists of Jan Sangharsh Manch, Haryana, for standing quietly and firmly with the women complainants for all these years, despite facing physical and mental violence.

We welcome the CBI court’s decision to sentence the accused to 20 years’ rigorous imprisonment (10 years for each count of rape) and a fine of Rs. 30 lakh. It has also ordered for Dera property to be sold, if necessary, to pay for the damages caused by the rioting by the followers of the accused, over a judgement they were opposed to.

Sequence of events

In 2002, a ‘sadhvi’ serving in Dera Sacha Sauda, Sirsa (Haryana), wrote a letter anonymously addressed to the then Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, detailing the incidents of sexual violence meted out on the women by ‘Maharaj’, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. These sadhvis who live like his bonded slaves owing to their families’ faith in him were, according to the letter, routinely sexually abused by him. Any voice raised against this abuse was met with coercion and threats of – or actual — violence on the women and their families.

In the given case, the girl was summoned, by Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh to his private chambers. He used several ploys to coerce her including threats of murder for refusing to have sex with him and of burial of her body with impunity (her family’s faith in him would go against her in every way). He also talked about his considerable influence with the government of Punjab and Haryana and Central Ministers. The Dera head then raped her. In the letter, she also detailed cases of other women who had been raped and, after having left the Dera, were pressured and threatened by his followers to not reveal their ‘internal’ matters to the outside world. Over the past 15 years, some of those helping the sadhvis were killed and the women were continuously harassed.

Taking suo motu cognisance of the letter, on September 24, 2002, the Punjab and Haryana High Court referred the matter to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) for an inquiry. In this connection, 18 sadhvis were questioned, one of whom told investigators that the Dera chief and his followers were “very dangerous people”. Two of the women accused the Dera chief of rape. One of them said she had been raped in order that she may be “purified”.

Justice and its aftermath

The CBI filed a chargesheet in July 2007. On August 25, 2017, the special CBI court in Panchkula convicted Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh under Sections 376 (rape) and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).

The rape conviction led to widespread rioting and rampant and open destruction of public and private property in Punjab and Haryana and parts of Delhi and UP by his followers. Reports indicate at least 35 people were killed in the ensuing violence and more than 200 were injured. However, in the majority of cases, it is unclear what the cause of death was and who the perpetrators were. The DIG has clarified that until the post-mortem is conducted, such information will remain unknown.

WSS does not believe that the state should deploy bullets to quell mass mobilisation (this also goes against international human rights Conventions) or file cases under the antiquated colonial sedition law. In this case, there were several measures the state could have taken leading up to the verdict that could have been more effective and ethical. The inability of the state and central government to control the building numbers of about one lakh followers of the Dera in public parks in Panchkula in the week prior to the verdict is reflective of the nexus of the “godman” and his henchmen with the state machinery. This, despite the police and the administration having been intimated at least one week in advance of the hearing, about the pile-up of petrol, diesel and assorted weapons by the Dera followers, and the impending violence that could be unleashed in case of a hearing that they would consider “unfavourable”. Why was no effective preventive action taken by the state government? Why did at least three Haryana ministers collectively donate Rs. 1.12 crore from their discretionary funds to the Dera chief since August 2016? What measures are going to be taken against those who actively encouraged the impunity of the sexual exploitation that went on within the Dera?

We stand with the women survivors who put the court process in motion and applaud their courage in face of violence and intimidation. We recognise faith-based collectives centred around a person considered ‘divine’ as spaces of control, coercion and violence on women’s bodies. The case also brings to the fore the absence of autonomy and voices that many of these women — despite being educated — lack in their natal and matrimonial homes, where the family will sometimes abet sexual violence. We also recognise that faith-based collectives provide a system of impunity that sexual and financial predators such as Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh take advantage of, by feeding off the oppression of a largely dalit bahujan following. We condemn the way such predators hollow out the rhetoric of an anti-caste collective mobilisation and deploy their followers towards a goal of impunity. We denounce the fact that, through their open support of the Dera chief, elected state representatives of several political parties have furthered the twisted links between caste, religion, patriarchy and the state, and have turned a blind eye to the violence and sexual exploitation that went on within its walls. We understand this exploitation may not be happening only at the Dera Sacha Sauda, but may be more widespread than has been acknowledged. The rape conviction of Asaram (again set in motion by a young victim in her teens) is yet another a case in point.

In the face of this political chicanery, it is encouraging to see that the courts have condemned the non-action of the governments in Punjab and Haryana and the centre and that the sentencing of Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh to 10 years for each rape case and monetary compensation for each of the women survivors proceeded as per law without further violence.

We demand:

  • That the Dera Sacha Sauda be shut down and all the people — especially women and children — still staying inside, be evacuated as soon as possible and be amply compensated.

  • An independent investigation to probe allegations of sexual assault on other women residents of the Dera.

  • Speedy closure and justice to the complainants who registered other cases against the Dera chief, including murder and forced castration of male followers.

  • An inquiry into the role of the state and central ministers who openly showed their support to the Dera chief accused of rape, among other crimes.

A Report of the WSS National Seminar Resisting Caste and Patriarchy: Building Alliances

December 10 and 11, 2015 New Delhi

The inspiration for the seminar “Resisting Caste and Patriarchy : Building Alliances” came from an initiative that started in 2013-2014, when members of WSS made a series of visits to villages in several districts of Haryana to investigate reports of sexual assaults and killings of Dalit girls. The team met and interviewed many of the survivors and their families. Intensive discussions with a team of young Dalit lawyers and activists provided additional insights into the situation. In the course of internal discussions that followed, members of WSS tried to articulate the gaps and grey areas in feminist debates on caste and patriarchy, and draw on lessons from the histories of engagement with questions of caste and gender by and within different mass movements and women’s movements.

Seminar report at WSS Seminar Resisting Caste and Patriarchy 10-11th Dec 2015 Final Report

resisting caste and patriarchy

It was obvious that the disappearance of “annihilation of caste” from the agenda of contemporary movements was an inevitable consequence of the marginalisation of Dalit women in political struggles and social processes. Thus, complex issues arising from Dalit women’s labour in various relations of production have been reduced to the question of choice or coercion in sex work, with little exploration of the ways in which caste, class and patriarchy have worked together to exploit and stigmatise dalit women across the spectrum of work and labour relations.

Progressive groups and social movements across the spectrum are struggling with uncertainty and lack of clarity on advancing the agenda of annihilation of caste in the context of changing land and labour relations, neo-liberal capitalism, the appropriation of natural resources, increasing state violence and the dominance of Hindutva. The decision to organise a national seminar around these issues was taken at the WSS annual meeting in Lucknow in 2015.

The main objective of organising this National Seminar on Caste and Patriarchy was to strengthen our dialogues and alliances around Babasaheb Ambedkar’s foundational insight – that the annihilation of caste cannot be fulfilled without the annihilation of patriarchy. The objective was also to explore the question of how our struggles against patriarchy, caste and religious orthodoxy could draw from Ambedkar’s legacy to redefine feminism in the Indian context. Our effort was to create a space to explore and discuss questions around re-framing our perspectives on the intersections of caste and patriarchy with structural inequalities so as to take on the challenge of annihilation of caste.

Resisting Caste & Patriarchy: Building Alliances – WSS National Seminar

NEW DELHI
10-11 DECEMBER 2015

Savitri Bai Phule, Jyotiba Phule, B R Ambedkar and ER Periyar were among the first to show how upper caste maintains its dominance through the structures of marriage and family to uphold Brahmanical hegemony and keep women in a subordinate position. The struggle against patriarchy and religious orthodoxy is yet to draw substantially from this legacy to redefine feminism in the Indian context.

Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) would like to discuss what people’s movements and democratic movements, especially the women’s movement, have to say in relation to the “annihilation of caste” in the context of both work and vision in contemporary times. WSS invites you to this two-day seminar that will be addressed by activists, writers and academics.

Kindly keep yourselves free to attend this seminar as your participation is invaluable to us all in WSS, Delhi. We will send more details very soon.
In solidarity,
Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression